Effect of Public Squares on Social Interaction

Effect of humanity unanimouss on loving InteractionSOCIAL COHESION AND THE ROLE OF THE universe SQUARE IN CONTRAST TO THE THIRD PLACESocial cohesion is a term apply insociable policy, sociology and policy- qualification science to describe the aims of societal inclusion, integration, fundamental interaction and participation in spite of appearance a nine, particularly in the context ofcultural diversity. It is associated the structural functionalism and political conservatism of the built environment, hence is directly affected by the act of urban Design ().The concept of Urban Design as a construct of the 20th ascorbic acid is ambiguous in its definition (Carmona, 2003, p. 3). It suggests addressing (for the better) the characteristics of a city, by proposing revised plans through a process of course qualification, sketching and planning. (Carmona, 2003, p. 3) besides, the city in its own right is a complex organ which functions on multiple levels economic, socio-cultur al, political and environmental. The city as an organ is in a constant state of reaction, either to stimulus from within or external to its geopolitical confines (Lynch, 1990). Stated plainly, in order that a city performs successfully, it is unavoidable that it master(prenominal)tains or strives towards a state of dynamic equilibrium by simultaneously maintaining economic relevance to its wider context, and addressing the socio-economic inevitably of its citizens().Consequently by commiserateing the city (its elements) as containers for macrocosm activities, it whitethorn be observed that the legal opinion of urban practice today has evolved from the initial creation of building masses and the consequent articulation of common infinite (Carmona, 2003, p. 3). It is now to a greater extent concerned with the creation of a physical and socio-cultural prevalent realm which is primarily enjoyed by its users, but also creates a greater sense of mixer cohesion, essential for good community living (Carmona, 2003). gum olibanumly it follows that if the primary aim for urban send off today is making ranks for people (Project for Public Spaces, 2009), we should examine critic bothy the performances of different forms of public place in terms of encourage social interaction and thus social cohesion.First the public squ ar, a familiar concept to the middling man (French, 1978). Expressions of civic pride, public squares are gener on the whole(a)y typified by its accessibility, often dominated by a landmark or civic building (French, 1978). Their resulting high level of legibility increases the user base from local anaesthetic members of the community to implicate the wider public (Whyte, 1980).Thus creating a highly vibrant space conducive to social interaction (Whyte, 1980).By contrast, less familiar with the average man is the concept of third place ( gray-headedenburg, 1999, p. 15). Oldenburg observed that multitudes birdie back and forth from the womb to the rat race in a constricted pattern of fooling life that easily generates the desire to get away from it all (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 9). It is this place of escape that he defines as the third place, while the first (womb) is the home and the second (rat race) is the workplace (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 9). This third place arises from the human necessity for a routine recreation space, which serves as an intermediary amidst the activities of living and working.() Although generally an interaction space for members of a local community, it exists in a variety of forms ranging from the more(prenominal) easily identifiable cafes, pubs, libraries to the not so obvious independent traders such as barbershops and cybercafs (Oldenburg, 1999). Injecting such program within the urban material facilitates the notion of socio-cultural belonging (Jacobs, 1993). It serves as neutral ground for the increase of conversation across demographic profiles, and thereby the birth of friendships based on the common ground of community (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 169).This demonstrate discusses in greater point the characteristics of both the public square and the third place. It highlights the distinctions in the levels of social interaction that each of these spaces encourage. To illustrate these points this essay uses hackney carriage rudimentary, capital of the United Kingdom as a case study.metropolis lights and gleaming windows Built in to tremendous shapes Overlook sounds of Vietnam Viaducts and artist landscapes Historic clues, canals and terraces Hint of workers struggle to survive Melting now into sound and colour, sentiency the Caribbean come alive. Saturday debates in Kurdish cafes And shoppers choosing Turkish life. Mix with the sounds of synagogue To tell the stories of culture and belief. What we see is what we use up Inner soul or shabby shell outside. Downtrodden, dirty dereliction or a life-time learning in a 15 minute ride.Gill CarterThe east end is a u ntold loved and much fabled part of London and Hackney at the heart of it. Hackney Central its administrative headquarters today possesses a culturally diverse demographic, with 65% of its population constituted of minority ethnic groups (Hackney Council, 2009). As home to the iconic theatre The Hackney imperium and birthplace to thespian and melodic greats such as Harold Pinter and Leona Lewis, Hackney is witnessing a earthshaking influx of creative industries, as part of a spill-over from trendy neighbours Shoreditch and Hoxton (Sergius, 2009). The spotlight again is turning towards Hackney as it is located on the principal axis for development culminating at the 2012 Olympic site in Stratford (Hackney Council, 2009).Despite its rich cultural heritage and shining future prospects, Hackney is still very much plagued by a reputation as beingness a deprived and unsafe neighbourhood, with a propensity to breed crime (Wikipedia, 2010). With these two conflicting views in mind, I visited Hackney for the first time.The full-bloodeds two primary elements are gardens symmetrically laid out on either side of the central walkway on the east-west axis which continues on to the townsfolk star sign entrance. The main-stream of visitors to the Square access it via this central walkway. The gardens are almost completely enclosed by a wall beat approximately half a metre in peak. Although it is unknown whether this was the initial design intention for the wall, its height is conducive for seance and is often used accordingly by visitors to the Square in the absence of all alternative seating. Undoubtedly, this results from the human inclination to seek comfort, the accommodation of which should be a priority in the design of a successful square (Project for Public Spaces, 2009). Yet it may be observed that the use of the garden walls to satisfy this basic human inclination actually negatively impacts the social dynamics of the space.In his studies of human inte raction in plazas Whyte (Whyte, 1980, p. 227)observed that people exhibit a rangeency to self congest, being attracted to spaces that are significantly occupied by other people.This behaviour is socially motivated and logically has the potential to facilitate social interaction in public spaces. However, although visitors do self congest generally within the Hackney townsfolk Hall Square, the aforementi 1d lack of ad hocally allocated seating champaigns causes them to do so haphazardly, clustering together and sitting in groups of acquaintances (Whyte, 1980, p. 227). This actually discourages social interaction between strangers, fragmenting the visiting population (Whyte, 1980, p. 227). Furthermore, the majority of seated visitors tend to sit either side of the mainstream of pedestrian flow, the central walkway (Whyte, 1980, p. 228). However, despite this prevalent self congestion, the walkways significant width does not facilitate communication between users seated on opposi ng garden walls. instead this layout encourages people-watching, as seated users watch passers-by along Mare Street and along the central walkwayarguably the Square also attempts to encourage ground floor activity by housing mass-appealing attractions and facilities as the subroutine library Cafe and Hackney Empire bar (Project for Public Spaces, 2009). However the positive effects of these venues are negated by the introduction of side channels Wilton Way and Reading Lane between the Square and both Hackney Empire and Library respectively. These two boundaries are connected by a service road in bearing of the Town Hall. This U-shaped enclosure discourages pedestrian movement as there is no clear indication as to whether pedestrian or motorist has right of way. This adversely affects the ambience of the Square by reducing the pedestrian footfall. Consequently, as the inclination of the individual to self congest prevails, pedestrians are attracted toward the dynamic buzz of Mare Street, and belong to converse in the mainstream of its pedestrian flow (Whyte, 1980, p. 227). Thus the Square underperforms as a vehicle for social interaction and so performs less effectively than Mare Street.The limitations that the layout of the Square places upon the scope of the social interactions within itself are apparent in the limited variety of visitors that the Square attracts (Whyte, 1980, p. 226). IMG_1886.JPG The Squares clear site grades and is easy access (as antecedently explained)are intended to broaden its portfolio of visitors from members of the local community to the wider public who may not be as internal of their local environs. Whyte (Whyte, 1980, p. 226) deduced from his observations that public square users usually have a short commute distance, usually from close places of work or are visitors to attractions on the square. Although it was not possible to verify the work place of all Town Square users, I did identify an influx of construction worke rs on a break from near works fetching place on Morning Lane. I also observed that the majority of the users were visitors to the main attractions on the Square the Hackney Library and the Hackney Empire.Undeniably the location of a bay of tidy sum stops along Mare Street east of the Square attributes to its function as an orientation space.Hence we see that the Square mainly attracts users that are more likely to be non-residents of the area. Whether day tourists, theatre stage business or workers that may not necessarily be very familiar with the area, non-local users of the Square are more inclined to keep their social interaction within the confines of their group (Whyte, 1980, p. 227). Social interactions within the Square can therefore serve to prodigiously exclude the local community and hence the Town Hall Square is limited in promoting social cohesion (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 14). It would indeed take a very vibrant Square to facilitate the rare occurrence of conversation between strangers (Whyte, 1980, p. 228), and this is clearly not the case with the Town hall Square. Owing to shortcomings in its layout, and lack of adequate sitting areas, the pedestrian footfall does not get hold of its potential capacity. Arguably, The Town Hall Square therefore serves more efficiently as a pressure group for visitors to Hackney Central. Its function to the visitor is adaptable certainly. It can serve as an orientation space from which the heartsease of Mare Street may be articulated, as a resting place for visitors to nearby attractions or indeed a meeting place for friends before an evening outing (Whyte, 1980). However, what it fails to do is encourage interaction between the local community and tourists (Oldenburg, 1999, pp. 10-11). The Square in announcing all that Hackney Central holds dear neglects its greatest addition its people.The people of Hackney Central are anomalous to their London context in that they exist as a close-knit community. This i s no doubt as a result of the proliferation of the third place in the local neighbourhood (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 162). Greasy Spoon Cafes, barbershops and pubs make up the fabric of Hackney Central. These independent traders line the main routes through the order Graham Road, Amherst Road, Morning Lane with their greatest concentration on qualify Lane.Walking up Narrow Lane the bustling street showcased wares and cuisine from all over the world converging in a unique communal existence in Hackney Central. I began to understand with greater clarity the nature of the neighbourhood that poet Gill Carter described when she spoke of debates in Kurdish cafestelling stories of culture and belief.(Op Cit)It is in these spaces described by Carter that the people of Hackney Central seek respite from the monotony of periodic work and home life (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 163). There is a fundamental need for people to enjoy the familiarity of neighbours on neutral ground, however neutral ground out side the cash nexus is preferred (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 13).Thus, the emergence of St John churchyard Gardens as the primary third place in Hackney Central.The St. John Churchyard Gardens is a large expanse of urban one thousand that runs parallel to Narrow Lane. A honey oil green of such significant size usually has a high propensity to develop in to an urban vacuum, as it requires a lot of activity in order for it to remain convivial (Jacobs, 1993). However, despite this injustice the Park works quite effectively as a public space. The park has a apparent quality to it that does not exclude each particular member of the community.() Its weathered grave stones and worn flagstones own it a lived-in feel, hence it is perceived as a more informal public space an continuation of the local users homes. These are all qualities highlighted by Oldenburg in his parametric quantity for the third place (Oldenburg, 1999, pp. 163-169)Again in line with observations by Jane Jacobs in her studies of American neighbourhoods, the parks rim is articulated with a zone of with child(p) mixed use program varying from residential to retail, which encourages a significant pedestrian footfall (Jacobs, 1993). It may also be observed that the park as a whole, although of considerable size, is in essence a collective of several green spaces, each with its own focal point.CHURCH.jpg his.jpgFirst is the garden in the forecourt of the St Johns Church, which is a hallway space for the Church with clearly designated seating areas. Second is the Walled Garden, this enclosed space provides an intimate and safe area for young families to use the designated playground. Third is the central park green, where the routes converge (Jacobs, 1993, p. 136). Finally, fourth is what I refer to as the Historical green, so called because it serves as the foreground to historical landmarks St Augustines tower, the old town hall and the preachers corner. This subdivision of the park in to four smal ler gardens reduces the perceived circumference of enclosure. This promotes self congestion as, users of the park can asses their level of comfort based on the congestion level of the garden that they are in at any one particular time.his.jpgAnother advantage posed by creating varied functions for the different gardens, is that the user base is varied. A heterogeneous user base helps to keep the park active at different times passim the day (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 167). This user base is thereby structured into subcategories of users who share common ground (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 164). For instance a high proportion of the walled gardens users tend to be young mothers with their children using the play ground areas. Their children serve as icebreakers as the mothers sit in the allocated adult supervision area and share anecdotes on childcare and childs play. neer delving too deep in to their private lives, these friendships amongst the parents are groomed until the children are mature e nough to organize their own excursions to the park (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 166). Similarly the elderly and indigent folk congregate in the historical green, wait to hear the assertions of whoever decides to lead the sermon on preachers corner, hoping of course to offer their own pearls of wisdom (Jacobs, 1993).The possibility of encountering a familiar friendly face, for a helping of entertaining conversation, transporting you if only momentarily from the mundanity of daily living, according to Oldenburg is one of the greatest allures of the third place (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 167). Indeed users are more inclined to use the park as they are assured that it will be accessible at any hour during the day and the limited subcategory of user has an idea of when to catch a particular crowd at the park (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 167). Whether young mothers, street preachers, early morning joggers or even the lunch breakers, each category of user has a specific pattern of time and location (Oldenbur g, 1999).The charm of the St Johns Garden as third place is in no way exclusive to the local user, it also appeals to the day tourist (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 167). Its unassuming appearance inspires the reminiscent, instilling a confidence created by the feeling of having visited a place a number of times, but in pragmatism no times at all. ()Its well lived-in look, clear paths and colourful characters awaken the inner explorer in a bid to discover the true nature of Hackney Central (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 168). Even the regulars submit themselves to be explored (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 167).In fact it was while visiting the historical green on my photographic excursion of the district that I would garner firsthand this most bizarre of experiences. I was trying to set up the perfective tense bung for a shot of the St Augustines tower, when a gentlemans voice from behind me suggested that I move back and angle my camera closer to the ground, in order to capture the grandeur of the tower. As is customary British politesse, I smiled sweetly said nothing in response and instead turned back to my assignment, whilst seemingly taking on board some of his suggestions. He clarified that he was a cinematographer, although his appearance would infer otherwise. He then elaborated on a plethora of other principles that I should take in to bill such as the rule of thirds.This tutorial would slowly melt in to a brief heart and soul on what had brought our paths to cross. I spoke briefly of my university assignment and career aspirations. He recounted stories from his past, and what he had hoped then for his future, all the time using Hackney Central as the backdrop to his tales. Now I must crystalise that this would not be the first time I have ever had a polite conversation, what was unique to this encounter was the manner in which this gentleman approached me. He was warm and welcoming, to what he had obviously assumed as his territory (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 167). He moved towar ds me, and by reducing the radius of personal space he infallible more than just a smile, his intentions were to engage me in a conversation (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 167). Having lived in central London for a number of years, I had become accustomed to averting eye contact and maintaining a watch over silence even in the most uncompromising confines of the tube during rush hour. Yet I would encounter this bizarre urban behaviour repeatedly throughout my tour of the third place.Evidently, the St Johns Gardens as a third place serves as a vehicle of social cohesion as it is inclusive of visitors from all backgrounds, encouraging social participation on a plateau of social equality (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 169). Its location paired to the train station, parallel to commercial Narrow Lane and residential areas ensures that it is easily accessible to both locals and tourists thus creating potential for encounters between the two groups (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 166). The absence of commercial func tion and its unpretentious physical structure, ensures that people of down(p) means feel comfortable to use the space (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 168). This further widens the scope of its user base to include the indigent a significant proportion of the districts population (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 168).To the tourist the park reveals the true nature of Hackney Central, showing its historical heritage, its cultural and socio-economic diversity and moral views all in a days visit. Admittedly, as with most third places, (depending on the sensibility of the tourist) St Johns gardens aesthetic quality and its eclectic selection of regulars may try out daunting (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 168). They would rather a public space void of character that showcases all the exploits of a consumer society (Whyte, 1980)(. The elegant architecture of the Hackney library and recognisable global franchises such as Subway, situated roughly the Town Hall Square cater to such needs. Conversely, this constricts the user base to exclude to a large extent the average resident of the district.Thus, I refer to my initial question, if the priority of urban design is making places for people, should we not be encouraging effective social interaction in order to establish social cohesion and par venture should the promotion of third place not be our goal? However a district operates similar manner to a city, hence is governed by similar rules. Consequently (as forward stated) the district needs to maintain economic relevance to its wider context, whilst addressing the socio-economic needs of its inhabitants.Hence, I conclude. It would seem that there is argument for the role of both the third place and the public square in facilitating social cohesion. The third place acts directly as the vehicle for social cohesion by keeping the community together and preserving its identity. Conversely, the public square acts indirectly by catering for the tourist, thereby maintaining the districts economic relev ance to its wider context. In so doing, it makes it economically viable for a community such as in Hackney Central to even exist.CITED floraCarmona, H. O. (2003). Public place Urban Spaces Dimesnsions in Urban Design. Oxford Architectural Press.French, J. S. (1978). Urban Space- A brief recital of the City Square. Iowa Kendell Hurt Publishing Square.Hackney Council. (2009, December 22). Retrieved December 22, 2009, from Hackney Council Website www.hackney.gov.ukJacobs, J. (1993). The Death and Life of American Cities. New York Random House.Lynch. (1990). City Sense and City Design. Massachussets MIT Press.Oldenburg, R. (1999). The great good place. New York Manlowe and Company.Project for Public Spaces. (2009). Ten Principles for creating successful Squares. Retrieved December 14, 2009, from www.pps.org http//www.pps.org/squares/info/squares_articles/squares_principlesSergius. (2009). Areas of London Hackney. Retrieved December 24, 2009, from Areas of London http//www.areasoflon don.com/Whyte, W. (1980). The Life of Plazas. In W. William, The Social Logic of Small Urban Spaces (pp. 227-229). Washington DC Conservation Foundation.Wikipedia, C. (2010, January 2). London Borough of Hackney. 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